Guided by Article 141 of the Constitution, I decide to appoint Namik Jahidzadeh as the head of the executive power of the Sadarak region of the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic, – said the text of the message published on the official website of the President of Azerbaijan, as reported by Baku media. Ilham Aliyev made such a decision the day after his visit to Turkey and face-to-face negotiations with the President of that country, Erdogan.
Administratively, Sadaraki region was formed in the Nakhichevan protectorate during the post-Soviet period. Geographically, it is Moscow in 1921. Nakhichevan, occupied by Bolshevik troops from independent Armenia under the Treaty of Friendship and Brotherhood of March 16, is the territory left to Azerbaijan under the patronage of Turkey, which used to be the USSR-Iran border, and later turned into an Armenian-Turkish-Azerbaijani triangle, where, in fact, Iran-Armenia and Nakhichevan-Turkey communications are crossed.
Administratively, why was Sadarak region separated? It can be explained by the intention to redistribute the general, historical-political whole of Nakhichevan and finally appropriate that province of historical Armenia. The press of Baku reports that after the negotiations with Aliyev, the President of Turkey put on the agenda the goal of increasing the annual volume of trade between the two countries to thirteen billion dollars.
Turkey and Azerbaijan have a land border and a customs point in the Sadarak region, which borders Armenia. In the last few months, the situation in that part of the border has been relatively stable, but there is a fresh impression when the Azerbaijani side was shelling not only the Armenian positions, but also the Yeraskh settlement. What was the need to change the head of the executive power in that period? Is the appointment purely domestically politically motivated?
Ali Kerimli, the leader of the People’s Front party of Azerbaijan, clearly stated that “inciting a new war against Armenia worries not only the opposition of Azerbaijan, but also the President of Turkey, Erdogan.” According to the pro-government media, “Azerbaijan has made a decision to be with Russia forever.” In the view of the commentator, which is undoubtedly a manifestation of state policy, the approaches of Moscow and Baku are identical in a number of fundamental issues.
What awareness does the NDP leader have when he says that “the instigation of a new war against Armenia also worries the president of Turkey?” Did Ilham Aliyev promise not to escalate the situation on the border with Armenia within the framework of the Munich Security Conference? Doesn’t that assurance fit into the realm of the need to remain “permanently identical” with another center? Of course, the head of Sadarak’s executive power is not a political decision-maker. But his change, it seems, should not be overlooked. Aliyev has problems with Nakhichevan, which are mediated by deep contradictions between Turkey’s right to the exclave and Baku’s ambitions.
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