PUERTO PADRE, Cuba.- Twenty days of political silence – and not exactly of administrative silence which, due to its legal context, entails a response – have passed since last Thursday, March 7, in an official note from the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, told national and international public opinion of “the serious errors committed by the former vice prime minister and minister of Economy and Planning, Alejandro Gil Fernández, which led to a criminal process, where “the person involved has acknowledged serious accusations.”
At this point in time and with such “serious accusations” it is worth asking… What crimes do they involve and what is the participation of the former vice prime minister and minister of Economy and Planning Gil Fernández? Is he the author or accomplice of which crime(s)? We do not know. The powers of the State that Gil Fernández integrated remain silent.
And since political silence is like monetary inflation when it is uncovered, which usually spirals into an unstoppable tornado that destroys everything and everyone, it is useful to ask: Is the regime afraid? Fear of what events, what consequences? Why does he fall into political silence with none other than the former vice prime minister and minister of Economy and Planning incriminated in criminal proceedings? Are there other “big fish” involved in the network?
The Gil Fernández case
The Gil Fernández case as a “lone wolf”, or associated with a “mipymero”, or a “mule” with saddlebags of dollars, reminds me of the impossible crime. Technically, an impossible crime is one that clearly could not have been committed, because the acts carried out, the means used or the object of the crime do not constitute a criminal action or omission.
And in this case it is important when classifying a crime to distinguish between the legal objectivity of the criminal transgression and the ideological objectivity or the proposed goal, since, if the first concerns the property or interest injured, the second fits into the goal. that the person involved proposed when carrying out the criminal act, these questions are why I reiterate the question: What crimes do they involve and what is the participation of the former vice prime minister and minister of Economy and Planning Gil Fernández?
The March 7 note says: “the leadership of our Party and Government have never allowed, nor will they ever allow, the proliferation of corruption.” That statement is debatable and today more than ever it is in question, but let’s accept it, although “corruption” is an open and wide-mouthed bag.
The facts of corruption
But although there are many facts linked to administrative corruption, due to their legal and ideological objectivity, they differ; some are classified to protect administration and jurisdiction, such as those that sanction illicit enrichment, influence peddling or bribery; while others look after the national economy, punishing infractions considered as trafficking in national currency, foreign currency, or other goods; Just as there are also crimes against property rights when embezzlement or extortion is committed; or when crimes are committed against the public treasury through, for example, tax evasion or money laundering.
But it turns out that due to his objectivity, not in any of those crimes that we have mentioned as an example, the former minister Gil Fernández could have incurred illicit money, of course!, like any other official of the nomenclature. But it turns out that due to his functions, Gil Fernández did not manage money, capital, or assets, but rather his functions—those of that ministry—are tasks of designing and implementing public, macroeconomic policies, which are those of the country and not those of a mere company.
And, since Cuba is regulated by a totalitarian, militaristic regime, it is well known that, in these designs and implementations of the Ministry of Economy and Planning, not only the minister and his advisory team intervene, but all the ministers in the area of finance, commerce, production, services and the entire economy, all of them supervised by the watchful eye of the PCC, and always under the magnifying glass of the intelligence and counterintelligence of the Ministry of the Interior, and the military counterintelligence of the Ministry of the Armed Forces , through his ministers, who are, in the Council of Ministers, the constant observers, personally subordinate to General Raúl Castro, real head of the regime, although now, without formal appointments, he is called “historical leader of the revolution.”
A single minister?
Verbigracia. The crime of bribery in the public sector involves an official at any level who receives directly, or through an intermediary, for himself or for another, a gift, present, or any other advantage or benefit, in order to execute or omit an act. related to its functions. According to the current Penal Code, in Cuba this crime is punishable by deprivation of liberty for four to ten years, a penalty that can be increased from eight to twenty years if, instead of just accepting, let’s say, “gifts,” in exchange for your intervention in a matter, the official demands or requests presents, gifts, advantages or benefits. And we must not forget that whoever bribes a public official also incurs the crime of bribery.
So it is convenient to ask: Could Gil Fernández have incurred the crime of bribery? Certainly, the former minister could have committed that crime, but if so, another question arises from this answer, which is: Who bribed Gil Fernández, simple “mipymeros” or, in that case, are important international businessmen involved? that it is not convenient for the regime to involve…?
Everything is possible. And the use of silence, in this case political silence, perhaps linked to a bribe so high-profile that we cannot distinguish it with the naked eye, on many occasions is equivalent to a technique, which, entering very deeply into the field of psychology, operative to design a strategy, sometimes of defense and sometimes of attack, goes much further, much beyond the theories of silence that we have studied in sociological literature, that of remaining silent because we can be marginalized, and that can be synthesized in this saying that I heard my father say many times: “He is playing dead to see what wake they will give him.”
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2024-03-30 06:02:47
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